Owain Foel

Owain Foel (fl. 1018), also known as Owen the Bald, was an eleventh-century King of the Cumbrians. He may have been a son of Máel Coluim, son of Dyfnwal ab Owain, both of whom ruled as Cumbrian kings. Owain Foel is recorded to have supported the Scots at the Battle of Carham in 1018. Although it is possible that he died in the conflict, no source states as much, and it is uncertain when he died. Owain Foel may be ancestorperhaps the fatherof a certain Máel Coluim who is described as the "son of the king of the Cumbrians" in 1054. That year, following the defeat of Mac Bethad mac Findlaích, King of Alba (died 1057) at the hands of Siward, Earl of Northumbria, Máel Coluim appears to have been installed as King of the Cumbrians or King of Alba by Siward.

Parentage

Owain Foel seems to have been a member of the ruling dynasty of the Kingdom of the Cumbrians.[1] For much of the tenth century, the kingdom was ruled by Dyfnwal ab Owain, King of the Cumbrians (died 975).[2] The chronology of Dyfnwal's apparent abdication is uncertain. He seems to have vacated the throne by the 970s. His apparent son, Rhydderch (fl. 971), may have briefly reigned as king, although no source states as much.[3] Certainly, English sources reveal that Dyfnwal's son, Máel Coluim (died 977), ruled in 973 whilst Dyfnwal was still alive.[4] Following Máel Coluim's death in 997, the kingship appears to have passed to a certain Owain ap Dyfnwal (died 1015), a man who seems to have been yet another son of Dyfnwal.[5]

Refer to caption
The name of Owain Foel's possible father, Máel Coluim, son of Dyfnwal ab Owain, as it appears on folio 25r of Oxford Bodleian Library MS Rawlinson B 502 (Saltair na Rann): "Mael Coluim".[6]

According to the "B" version of the elevenththirteenth-century Annales Cambriæ, Owain ap Dyfnwal was slain in 1015.[7] This obituary is corroborated by the thirteenth/fourteenth-century texts Brut y Tywysogyon[8] and Brenhinedd y Saesson.[9] Although the notices of Owain ap Dyfnwal's demise seem to indicate that he had been killed in battle, nothing is known of the circumstances.[10] Whilst it is possible that these records refer to Owain Foel himself,[11] this man clearly lived on years afterwards, and there is no reason to disregard the obituaries as erroneous. If the like-named men are indeed different people, they could well have been closely related, with the latter perhaps being a son of Owain ap Dyfnwal's brother, Máel Coluim.[1] The likelihood that there were indeed two contemporary Cumbrian rulers named Owain could account for Owain Foel's epithet (meaning "the bald").[12][note 1]

Battle of Carham

Refer to caption
The name of Máel Coluim mac Cináeda as it appears on folio 16v of Oxford Bodleian Library MS Rawlinson B 488 (the Annals of Tigernach): "Mael Colaim mac Cínaetha".[14]

In 1005, Máel Coluim mac Cináeda (died 1034) succeeded a kinsman as King of Alba.[15] One of this man's earliest royal acts was a strike against his embattled English counterpart, Æðelræd II, King of the English (died 1016).[16] Unfortunately for the Scots, this invasion of Northumbria was utterly crushed by Uhtred (died 1016×), a young northern magnate who was made Earl of Northumbria as a result of his stalwart defence.[17] In the years that followed, Æðelræd's royal authority collapsed under a sustained Scandinavian onslaught until Knútr Sveinnsson (died 1035) attained the kingship of the entire English realm in 1016.[18]

The name and title of Uhtred as it appears on folio 153r of British Library Cotton MS Tiberius B I (the "C" version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle): "Uhtrede eorle".[19]

It may have been the unfolding turmoil in the north of England that lured Máel Coluim mac Cináeda into another cross-boarder foray.[20] In the course of this invasion, Owain campaigned alongside the Scots,[21] possibly as an ally[22] or vassal of his Scottish counterpart.[23] The operation culminated in the Battle of Carham, a conflict in which the two kings fought and defeated the English at Carham in 1018.[21] Although the battle is recorded by several sources,[24] Owain Foel's participation is specifically attested by Historia regum by Symeon of Durham (died c. 1128).[25] There is a degree of uncertainty as to the identity of the man who mounted the English defence. According to Historia regum, Uhtred, Earl of Northumbria (died 1016×), commanded the English forces.[26] A passage preserved by the ninthtwelth-century Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, however, may (or may not) indicate that this man had been slain two years beforehand, perhaps revealing that it was actually Uhtred's succeeding brother, Eadwulf Cudel, Earl of Northumbria (died c. 1019), who commanded the English troops.[27]

Refer to caption
The title of Dyfnwal's son and eventual successor, Máel Coluim, as it appears on folio 9r of British Library MS Cotton Faustina B IX (the Chronicle of Melrose): "rex Cumbrorum".[28]

The defeat inflicted upon the English seems to have confirmed the Scots' royal authority over Lothian and established the River Tweed as the southern frontier of their realm.[29] For Owain Foel and the Cumbrians, the successful outcome of the campaign would have likely meant an surplus of plunder including cattle, slaves, and other valuables. It is also possible that the territorial extent of the Cumbrian realm was enlarged by way of the Northumbrian defeat. For instance, a twelfth century inquest of the landholdings of the Bishop of Glasgowundertaken at a time when the realm had long since been absorbed by the Scotsappears to identify territories formerly encapsulated within the kingdom. The fact that this inquest included Teviotdale, an important part of what had been Northumbrian territory, could indicate that this region had been annexed by the Cumbrians as a result of the victory at Carham.[30][note 2]

Death and Cumbrian contraction

Refer to caption
The Giant's Grave, a collection of apparent tenth-century monuments at Penrith. The stones display significant Scandinavian influences, and are traditionally associated with a legendary king, variably known as Owain Caesarius. It is possible that this figure refers to Owain Foel, or any of the tenth- and eleventh-century Cumbrian kings who bore the same name.[37][note 3]

Owain Foel's death date is unknown. Although it is possible that he died at the battle,[41] or else soon after,[42] there is no specific evidence that he was indeed killed or mortally wounded.[43] In fact, he could well have lived and reigned long afterwards.[44] Whatever the case, it may have been upon his death that Máel Coluim mac Cináeda seized control of the kingdom.[15] If the latter had indeed done so in the near aftermath of Carham, such an acquisition would have taken place at the height of his power.[42] There may be evidence to suggest that Owain Foel died sometime before 1030, perhaps leaving a weak heir or vacated throne.[45] Certainly, the fourteenth-century Annals of Tigernach records a ravaging inflicted upon Britons that year by the English and the Scandinavians of Dublin.[46]

Another historical episode that may cast light upon the fate of the Cumbrian realm concerns an assembly of northern kings in about 1031. Specifically in about 1031, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle records a concord between Knútr, Máel Coluim mac Cináeda, Mac Bethad mac Findlaích (died 1057), and Echmarcach mac Ragnaill (died 1064/1065). The fact that no Cumbrian king is recorded at this royal assembly seems to reveal that no such king reigned by this date, and may indicate that the Cumbrian realm then formed part of the Scottish Kingdom of Alba.[47][note 4] The rationale behind the meeting of the four kings is uncertain. One possibility, amongst many, is that it concerned the collapse of the Kingdom of the Cumbrians, and perhaps had something to do with the recorded ravaging of 1030.[50]

Refer to caption
The title of Suibne mac Cináeda as it appears on folio 39r of Oxford Bodleian Library MS Rawlinson B 489 (the Annals of Ulster).[51]

Another aspect of the uncertainty surrounding the kingdom is the obituary of Suibne mac Cináeda (died 1034), a man styled King of the Gall Gaidheil.[45] The Gaelic term Gall Gaidheil appears to have been applied to a population of mixed Scandinavian and Gaelic ethnicity first recorded in the ninth century in the Hebrides and part of the former Kingdom of Dál Riata.[52] By the twelfth century, the Gall Gaidheil had certainly left their mark upon the territory which makes up modern-day Galloway.[53][note 5] In fact, this mainland territory of the Gall Gaidheil appears to have been much more expansive than the extent of modern-day Galloway,[55] and there is reason to suspect the Gall Gaidheil had also expanded deep into what had formerly been Cumbrian-controlled territories.[56] For example, there is evidence indicating that the entire region south-west of Clydesdale and Teviotdale became lands of the Gall Gaidheil.[55] Such an expansion at the Cumrbrian kingdom's expense could well have taken place in the eleventh century, perhaps with the demise of Owain Foel himself.[45] In fact, Suibne could have been the leader of the Gall Gaidheil who expedited the undoing of the Cumbrian regime, and oversaw the acquisition of much the kingdom's western territories.[57]

Refer to caption
Suibne's name as it appears on folio 16v of Oxford Bodleian Library MS Rawlinson B 488: "Suibne mac Cinaetha".[58]

The patronym borne by Suibne is the same as that of the reigning Máel Coluim mac Cináeda. In fact, this patronym could be evidence that the two were brothers,[59] and that Suibne had instead been placed upon the throne in a region occupied by the Gall Gaidheil.[60] Furthermore, if Suibne and Máel Coluim mac Cináeda were indeed brothers, another possibility is that Suibne's title is evidence that Máel Coluim mac Cináeda seized upon the vacated Cumbrian kingship and installed Suibne as King of the Cumbrians. Such a move may explain the Scots' failure to immediately exploit their victory over the English in 1018, and could indicate that the Scottish king's resources were instead projected against the vulnerable Cumbrians.[61]

The name and title of Eadwulf (not to be confused with Eadwulf Cudel) as it appears on folio 157r of British Library Cotton MS Tiberius B I: "Eadulf eorl".[62]

In the words of the pseudo-prophetic twelfth-century Prophecy of Berchán, Máel Coluim mac Cináeda was biodhba Bretan ("enemy of Britons").[63] Whether this description reflects genuine animosity between him and the Kingdom of the Cumbrians is unknown.[45] It is conceivable that this description of the Scottish king refers to aggression against the Cumbrians at some point after the Battle of Carham and Owain Foel's demise.[64] In 1038, Eadwulf, Earl of Northumbria (died 1041) is stated by Historia regum to have attacked certain unspecified Britons.[65] Whilst it is conceivable that this source is evidence that at least some Cumbrians were still independent by this date, another possibility is that these particular people were under Gall Gaidheil overlordship when attacked by the English.[66]

Son of the King of the Cumbrians

Refer to caption
The name of Mac Bethad mac Findlaích as it appears on folio 41v of Oxford Bodleian Library MS Rawlinson B 489 (the Annals of Ulster).[67]

According to Gesta regum by William of Malmesbury (died 1142×),[68] and Chronicon ex chronicis by John of Worcester (died 1140), a certain Máel Coluimdescribed by these sources as the son of the King of the Cumbrianswas set up in opposition to Mac Bethad, the reigning King of Alba, by Siward, Earl of Northumbria (died 1055).[69]

The name of Donnchad ua Maíl Choluim as it appears on folio 17r of Oxford Bodleian Library MS Rawlinson B 488: "Donncadh mac Crínan".[70]

One interpretation of these sources is that this Máel Coluim refers to Mac Bethad's opponent Máel Coluim mac Donnchada (died 1093), a man who reigned as King of Alba from 1058 to 1093. If correct it would seem to be evidence that the father of this man, Donnchad ua Maíl Choluim (died 1040)a man who had reigned as King of Alba from 1034 to 1040had once been King of the Cumbrians as well. This could in turn reveal that Donnchad gained the latter title from his grandfather, Máel Coluim mac Cináeda, after the death of Owain Foel sometime in or after 1018.[71]

Refer to caption
The name of Máel Coluim, son of the King of the Cumbrians, as it appears on folio 13v of British Library MS Cotton Faustina B IX: "Malcolmum".[72] This Máel Coluim may have been a descendantperhaps a sonof Owain Foel.

Against this hypothetical Cumbrian succession is the fact that it rests solely upon Gesta regum and Chronicon ex chronicis.[71] There is otherwise no evidence that Donnchad was ever a Cumbrian king.[73] If these sources truly refer to Donnchad's son, it is unclear why they describe Máel Coluim as the son of a mere Cumbrian king as opposed to that of a Scottish kingwhich Donnchad most certainly wasor why they don't simply identify him as a son of Donnchad himself.[74] In fact, there is otherwise no firm evidence that Máel Coluim mac Donnchada was in Alba or Northumbria in 1054, or that he had any connection with Siward's victory over Mac Bethad.[75] Certainly, Mac Bethad seems to have held onto the Scottish kingship until 1057, only to be succeeded by Lulach mac Gilla Comgáin (died 1058).[76][note 6]

The name and title of Siward as it appears on folio 161v of British Library Cotton MS Tiberius B I: "Siward eorl".[78]

It is more likely that the Máel Coluim advanced by Siward was in fact a member of the Cumbrian dynasty[79]perhaps a son,[80] or grandson of Owain Foel himself.[81] Certainly, a previous member of the family is known to have borne the same name.[82] If Máel Coluim was indeed a member of this kindred, one possibility is that the Scots had deprived him of the Cumbrian kingship following Owain Foel's demise, and that Siward had installed Máel Coluim as King of the Cumbrians following the English victory over Mac Bethad.[83] Another possibility, suggested by the account of events dictated by Chronicon ex chronicis, is that Siward installed Máel Coluim as King of Alba.[84] Certainly, Máel Coluim's name could be evidence of an ancestral link with the ruling Alpínid dynasty of Albaperhaps even a maternal link to Owain Foel's confederate at Carham, Máel Coluim mac Cináeda.[85] A similar claim, preserved by Symeon's so-called Annales Lindisfarnenses et Dunelmenses, relates that Siward inserted a king in Mac Bethad's place before the latter was able to regain control.[86] There is also evidence to suggest that Siward and the Northumbrians exerted a significant amount of influence over the Cumbrian realm by the mid eleventh century,[87] perhaps indicating that the Cumbrians had placed themselves under Siward's protection.[88] Whatever the case, Máel Coluim mac Donnchada evidently acquired control of the region later in the century,[89] conceivably by way of an unrecorded campaign.[90] Such an acquisition could have taken place as early as 1058, when he seized the Scottish kingship after Lulach's demise.[91] Máel Coluim seems to be the last member of the Cumbrian dynasty.[36]

Notes

  1. His name is recorded by Historia regum as Eugenius Calvus.[13]
  2. In its account of the Battle of Carham, Historia regum styles Owain Foel "rex Clutinensium" ("King of the Clydesmen").[31] The compiler of this source may have intended Clutiensium from *Clutienses. The latter seems to be derived from the Welsh Cludwys,[32] a term that is otherwise employed by the tenth-century Armes Prydein and means "People of the Clyde".[33] The title accorded to Owain Foel differs from those recorded for three of his immediate royal predecessorshis apparent father, grandfather, and great-grandfatherwho were generally styled King of the Cumbrians.[34] Whilst Owain Foel's title may, therefore, be evidence of the diminishment of the realm,[35] the evidence of expansion preserved by the inquest seems to contradict this.[36]
  3. Either Owain himself, or his like-named grandfather Owain ap Dyfnwal, King of the Cumbrians (fl. 934), or else their ultimate royal successor Owain Foel may be identical to Owain Caesarius, a legendary figure associated with an assemblage of apparent tenth-century monuments at Penrith collectively known as The Giant's Grave.[38] The nearby site of Castle Hewin (grid reference NY48544627), a place name meaning "Owain's castle" (derived from castell Ewain),[39] may well be named after the same man.[40]
  4. Against the possibility that Donnchad received the Cumbrian kingship from his grandfatherimmediately after the Battle of Carhamis the fact that Donnchad is not attested as one of the kings at the assembly,[48] and the fact that a seemingly contemporary source remarks upon his young age on his death in 1040.[49]
  5. The Scottish place name Galloway is derived from the Gaelic i nGall Gaidhealaib ("amongst the Gall Gaidheil").[54]
  6. Whereas Gesta regum erroneously claims that Siward slew Mac Bethad and installed Máel Coluim in his place as king.[77]

Citations

  1. 1 2 Clarkson (2014) ch. 8; Charles-Edwards (2013) p. 572 fig. 17.4; Woolf (2007) pp. 236, 238 tab. 6.4; Broun (2004d) pp. 128 n. 66, 135; Hicks (2003) p. 44 n. 107; Duncan (2002) pp. 28, 41.
  2. Thornton (2001) p. 67.
  3. Thornton (2001) p. 67 n. 66.
  4. Macquarrie (2004); Thornton (2001) pp. 6667.
  5. Clarkson (2010) ch. 9; Woolf (2007) pp. 222, 233, 236.
  6. McGuigan (2015a) p. 140; Saltair na Rann (2011) §§ 23732376; Hudson (1994) pp. 101, 174 nn. 79; Bodleian Library MS. Rawl. B. 502 (n.d.); Saltair na Rann (n.d.) §§ 23732376.
  7. Gough-Cooper (2015) p. 46 § b1036.1; Clarkson (2014) ch. 8; Charles-Edwards (2013) p. 572 fig. 17.4; Woolf (2007) p. 236; Broun (2004d) p. 128, 128 n. 66; Hicks (2003) p. 43; Anderson (1922) p. 550.
  8. Charles-Edwards (2013) p. 572 fig. 17.4; Broun (2004d) p. 128 n. 66; Hicks (2003) p. 44 n. 107; Anderson (1922) p. 550 n. 2; Rhŷs (1890) p. 264; Williams Ab Ithel (1860) pp. 3435.
  9. Broun (2004d) p. 128 n. 66; Jones; Williams; Pughe (1870) p. 660.
  10. Clarkson (2014) ch. 8.
  11. Minard; Busse (2006); Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 201; Broun (2004d) p. 128 n. 66; Macquarrie (2004); Macquarrie (1998) pp. 1617; Hudson (1994) p. 117 n. 11.
  12. Hicks (2003) pp. 43 n. 106, 44.
  13. Clarkson (2014) ch. 8; Anderson (1908) p. 82, 82 n. 3; Arnold (1885) pp. 155156.
  14. The Annals of Tigernach (2010) § 1034.1; Annals of Tigernach (2005) § 1034.1; Bodleian Library MS. Rawl. B. 488 (n.d.).
  15. 1 2 Broun (2015); Broun (2004c).
  16. Broun (2015); Keynes (2009); Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 200; Aird (2004); Broun (2004c); Woolf (2001).
  17. Clarkson (2014) ch. 8; Keynes (2009); Aird (2004).
  18. Lawson (2013); Keynes (2009).
  19. O'Keeffe (2001) pp. 100101; Cotton MS Tiberius B I (n.d.).
  20. McGuigan (2015a) pp. 154155; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 200201.
  21. 1 2 Crowcroft; Cannon (2015); Oram (2011) chs. 2, 5; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 200201; Broun (2004c); Broun (2004d) p. 128; Woolf (2001); Duncan (1976) p. 21.
  22. Taylor, A (2016) p. 10; McGuigan (2015a) p. 140; Clarkson (2014) ch. 8; Hudson (1994) p. 174 n. 11.
  23. Clarkson (2014) ch. 8; Oram (2011) ch. 2; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 200201.
  24. Duncan (1976) pp. 2021; Anderson (1922) p. 544; Anderson (1908) pp. 8182; Arnold (1885) pp. 155156; Arnold (1882) p. 84; Skene (1867) p. 131; Stevenson (1855) p. 527.
  25. Clarkson (2014) ch. 8; Charles-Edwards (2013) p. 573; Woolf (2010) p. 235; Woolf (2007) p. 236; Clancy (2006); Broun (2004d) p. 128; Duncan (1976) p. 21; Anderson (1908) p. 82; Arnold (1885) pp. 155156; Stevenson (1855) p. 527.
  26. McGuigan (2015a) pp. 122123; Clarkson (2014) ch. 8; Aird (2004); Broun (2004d) p. 128 n. 66; Duncan (2002) p. 28; Anderson (1908) p. 82; Arnold (1885) pp. 155156; Stevenson (1855) p. 527.
  27. Clarkson (2014) ch. 8; Woolf (2007) pp. 236237; Duncan (2002) p. 28; Swanton (1998) pp. 148149.
  28. Anderson (1922) p. 478; Stevenson (1856) p. 100; Stevenson (1835) p. 34; Cotton MS Faustina B IX (n.d.).
  29. Oram (2011) ch. 5; Forsyth (2005) pp. 3435; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 200201; Wormald (2005) p. 294.
  30. Clarkson (2014) ch. 8; Broun (2004d) p. 139 n. 117; Barrow (1999) pp. 6061 § 15; Registrum Episcopatus Glasguensis (1843) pp. 15 § 1.
  31. Taylor, A (2016) p. 10, n. 42; Edmonds (2014) p. 209; Woolf (2010) p. 235; Clancy (2006); Arnold (1885) p. 156.
  32. Woolf (2010) p. 235.
  33. Charles-Edwards (2013) pp. 481, 529530; Woolf (2010) p. 235; Skene (1868) p. 162.
  34. Minard (2012); Minard (2006).
  35. Taylor, A (2016) n. 42; Edmonds (2014) p. 209; Minard (2006).
  36. 1 2 Edmonds (2014) p. 209.
  37. Clarkson (2010) ch. 10; Proceedings (1947) pp. 221225; Collingwood (1923).
  38. Edmonds (2015) p. 5, 55 n. 61; Clarkson (2010) ch. 10; Proceedings (1947) pp. 221225; Collingwood (1923).
  39. Edmonds (2015) p. 57.
  40. Edmonds (2015) p. 55, 55 n. 61; Clarkson (2010) ch. 10.
  41. Broun (2015); Clarkson (2014) ch. 8; Oram (2011) chs. 2, 5; Clarkson (2010) ch. 9; Clancy (2006); Kapelle (1979) p. 38.
  42. 1 2 Broun (2004c).
  43. Clarkson (2014) ch. 8; Broun (2004d) p. 139 n. 117.
  44. Clarkson (2014) ch. 9; Broun (2004d) pp. 128, 139 n. 117.
  45. 1 2 3 4 Clarkson (2010) ch. 9.
  46. Edmonds (2014) p. 210, 210 n. 88; Clarkson (2010) ch. 9; The Annals of Tigernach (2010) § 1030.11; Woolf (2007) p. 254; Annals of Tigernach (2005) § 1030.11; Broun (2004d) pp. 136137.
  47. Duncan (2002) p. 29.
  48. Broun (2004a); Broun (2004c).
  49. The Annals of Tigernach (2010) § 1040.1; Annals of Tigernach (2005) § 1040.1; Broun (2004a); Broun (2004c); Anderson (1922) p. 581.
  50. Broun (2004d) p. 137 n. 112.
  51. The Annals of Ulster (2012) § 1034.10; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 1034.10; Anderson (1922) p. 578 n. 1; Bodleian Library MS. Rawl. B. 489' (n.d.).
  52. Jennings; Kruse (2009); Jennings, A (1996) pp. 6667.
  53. Charles-Edwards (2013) p. 573; Oram (2000) p. 7; Jennings, AP (2001).
  54. Jennings, AP (2001).
  55. 1 2 Charles-Edwards (2013) p. 574.
  56. Clarkson (2010) ch. 9; Broun (2004d) pp. 136138, 139 n. 117.
  57. Broun (2004d) p. 136.
  58. The Annals of Tigernach (2010) § 1034.1; Annals of Tigernach (2005) § 1034.1; Anderson (1922) p. 578; Bodleian Library MS. Rawl. B. 488 (n.d.).
  59. McGuigan (2015a) pp. 163, 171; Clarkson (2014) ch. 9; Bolton (2009) p. 142; Hudson (2005) p. 133; Moody; Martin; Byrne (2005) p. 466 n. 1; Woolf (2004) p. 100; Hudson (1994) pp. 117118, 158; Kapelle (1979) pp. 3839, 40 tab. 3, 41, 247248 n. 39.
  60. Hudson (2005) p. 133; Woolf (2004) p. 100.
  61. Clarkson (2014) ch. 9; Kapelle (1979) pp. 3839, 41, 247248 n. 39.
  62. O'Keeffe (2001) p. 107; Cotton MS Tiberius B I (n.d.).
  63. McGuigan (2015a) p. 163; Clarkson (2010) ch. 9; Hudson (1996) pp. 52, 90; Hudson (1994) p. 117; Anderson (1922) p. 574; Skene (1867) p. 99.
  64. Hudson (1994) p. 117.
  65. Clarkson (2010) ch. 9; Woolf (2007) p. 254, 254 n. 49; Arnold (1885) p. 198; Stevenson (1855) p. 557.
  66. Woolf (2007) p. 254, 254 n. 49.
  67. The Annals of Ulster (2012) § 1058.6; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 1058.6; Bodleian Library MS. Rawl. B. 489 (n.d.).
  68. McGuigan (2015a) p. 138; Woolf (2007) pp. 261262; Duncan (2002) p. 40; Anderson (1908) p. 85 n. 4; Hardy (1840) p. 330.
  69. McGuigan (2015a) p. 138; Clarkson (2014) ch. 9; Woolf (2007) p. 261; Swanton (1998) p. 185 n. 17; Broun (2004d) pp. 133134; Anderson (1908) p. 85 n. 4; Forester (1854) p. 156; Stevenson (1853) p. 286; Thorpe (1848) p. 212.
  70. The Annals of Tigernach (2010) § 1040.1; Annals of Tigernach (2005) § 1040.1; Bodleian Library MS. Rawl. B. 488 (n.d.).
  71. 1 2 Broun (2004d) pp. 133134.
  72. Anderson (1922) p. 593; Stevenson (1856) p. 112; Stevenson (1835) p. 51; Cotton MS Faustina B IX (n.d.).
  73. McGuigan (2015a) p. 163; Broun (2004a); Broun (2004d) pp. 133134.
  74. McGuigan (2015a) pp. 138139; Woolf (2007) p. 262; Broun (2004d) pp. 133134; Duncan (2002) p. 40.
  75. Duncan (2002) pp. 4041.
  76. Broun (2004b); Duncan (2002) p. 40.
  77. McGuigan (2015a) p. 138; Duncan (2002) p. 40; Anderson (1908) p. 85 n. 4; Hardy (1840) p. 330.
  78. O'Keeffe (2001) p. 115; Cotton MS Tiberius B I (n.d.).
  79. McGuigan (2015b) p. 100; Clarkson (2014) ch. 9; Edmonds (2014) p. 209; Clarkson (2010) ch. genealogical tables; Woolf (2007) p. 262; Clancy (2006); Taylor, S (2006) p. 26; Broun (2004d) pp. 133135; Duncan (2002) p. 41.
  80. Taylor, A (2016) p. 10; Edmonds (2014) p. 209; Woolf (2007) p. 262; Taylor, S (2006) p. 26; Broun (2004d) pp. 133135; Clancy (2006); Duncan (2002) p. 41.
  81. Clarkson (2014) ch. 9; Clarkson (2010) ch. 9.
  82. Clarkson (2014) ch. 9; Broun (2004d) pp. 133135; Duncan (2002) p. 41.
  83. Clarkson (2014) ch. 9; Edmonds (2014) p. 209; Duncan (2002) p. 41.
  84. Clarkson (2014) ch. 9; Charles-Edwards (2013) p. 571; Clarkson (2010) ch. 9; Woolf (2007) p. 262; Taylor, S (2006) p. 26.
  85. Clarkson (2010) ch. 9; Woolf (2007) p. 262.
  86. Woolf (2007) p. 262; Anderson (1908) p. 84; Pertz (1866) p. 508.
  87. McGuigan (2015a) pp. 124125, 134; Edmonds (2014) pp. 209210; Woolf (2007) pp. 262263.
  88. Woolf (2007) pp. 262263.
  89. Taylor, A (2016) p. 10; Clarkson (2012) ch. 11; Clancy (2006); Duncan (2002) p. 41.
  90. Clarkson (2012) ch. 11; Duncan (2002) p. 41.
  91. Duncan (2002) p. 41.

References

Primary sources

Secondary sources

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